Monday, January 21, 2013

conclusion (draft)


Final Word: Why Not?
When I read this novel the first time, I was working to defend immigrants.  In Maryland, the state legislature had passed a very limited version of the Dream Act.  Anti-immigration forces, mostly white conservative Christians, petitioned the law to referendum.  For a while, it seemed that Maryland might vote against hospitality.  I thought I saw a way to help, and spent five months working on it.  My task was specific and narrow: I went after voters whose religious views were in conflict with their political views – people who were serious about following an all-embracing God of Love, but were nonetheless planning to vote against welcoming strangers.  I wrote a couple of short books about it.  In the end, Maryland voters embraced the Dream Act decisively, but the fight continued on a national level.
From my perspective, the effort to understand and explain The Casual Vacancy is my third book on immigration.  Rowling’s book is not about immigration; rather, my understanding of her book is connected to my understanding of immigration.  But she makes a connection, in a throwaway line, describing the problem of the Fields as seen by the traditionalists: “there was a great ongoing scramble across the boundary line … much as Mexicans streamed into Texas” (p. 48).  The question that Rowling explores, it seems to me, is the same question that all activists wrestle with: why don’t people act effectively to help their neighbors?  Some people do step forward; the Barry Fairbrothers of the world are not rare.  And yet, they are scarce enough that the death of one person may leave a vacancy that will not be filled.
Why don’t other people act? 
Rowling does not tell activists how to galvanize a community.  What she does, which I found extraordinarily useful and challenging, is to bring a novelist’s eye to the diagnostic process.  She does not offer a solution, but does describe the problem with a clear and honest eye.
In her novel, Howard is the jovial enemy.  He knows about the Fields, and knows about the Weedon family, and knows about Krystal.  But he has chosen to live in a small world that he controls, and the Fields with its weeds is not welcome in his world.  He is not interested in gems that might be buried there.
I found it fascinating that Shirley was so much worse than Howard.  Howard chose Pagford, and tried to keep it quaint and small – an understandable if deplorable choice.  But Shirley chose Howard, and deified him.  He worked steadily for years to control his little world; her world was smaller, and she did not try to control it.  He betrayed some constituents, knowing their names, but wanting them to go elsewhere.  She betrayed him, and planned to murder him, because he shattered her world when he was unfaithful.  To apply the lesson: I know how to argue with Howard, although I have very little expectation of success.  I can argue against choosing a small world.  But I have no idea how to argue with Shirley.  What does one say against blind and bitter loyalty?
Howard’s second disciple, his son Miles, grew up in a small world, in a hothouse.  He is a weak person.  But he might change if he is pushed into a larger world.  If he does take responsibility for someone in need, who knows how deep the change might be?
The enemies of hospitality are interesting, but so are the ineffective allies.
Colin Wall steps forward promptly to carry on Barry’s work.  But he cannot do it, despite his good intentions.  When he first appears in the novel, he is choking on his words, struggling to announce Barry’s death to high school students in Yarvil.  Krystal reacts with appropriate horror, but Colin misunderstands her yelp, and shouts at her.  From the very first minute, he displays a lack of understanding of the people whom Barry served.  He can’t connect with Krystal, no matter how much he wants to help.  His neurosis is in the way – as the Ghost points out.
Parminder is a loyal ally.  She too is loyal to Barry, and her motives are mixed, as the Ghost points out.  Like Colin, she lacks the common touch.  She is tight with her prescription pad, and makes enemies, including – unfortunately – the most sensible person in the Weedon family.  She can’t control her temper, which has some benefits: her denunciation of Howard’s colossal waste of precious resources is heart-warming.  But it has a downside: she destroys her credibility.  When Barry loses his temper with Krystal, Krystal accepts the correction sweetly – partly because she is sweet underneath all the grime, but largely because Barry deserves and wins her confidence.  Parminder, by contrast, does not touch the hearts of her audience.  She does pray, sincerely, and she raises a great daughter.  But she can’t move people.
Kay can’t help, paradoxically, because her profession is to help.  She does understand Krystal, and does win her trust.  But at the critical moment, Kay does not move fast, because she is no longer assigned to that case.  She is also distracted by her daughter, but the real issue is that her compassion is channeled through a bureaucracy.  She has the right job, and it is a good job for her – but the fact that it is a job blocks access to her heart briefly, at exactly the wrong moment.
Tessa’s problem is similar to Kay’s.  Krystal trusts her, and in fact is planning to get her help.  But Krystal knows the established channels, and plans to get help from Tessa by pushing buttons. 
Vikram is a fascinating character.  He has brains, compassion, and credibility.  But he is not going to take Barry’s place because he doesn’t speak up.  To understand Vikram, you watch his work, and it is admirable.  But to fill Barry’s shoes, one must speak up, and Vikram doesn’t.  That’s not a criticism; it’s just a fact.
The novel explores people’s minds within the context of their families.  Sukhvinder, one of Barry’s rowers, is a great success.  Barry built a team with his own kids, plus some other solid middle class teens.  But he sweeps in two outsiders – Krystal and Sukhvinder – and he protects them both.  Sukhvinder has her mother’s face, and her mother’s awareness of spiritual life, and her father’s quiet ways.  That is, we understand her, like her father, mostly by what she does – cutting herself, jumping off the bridge, visiting the Fields alone.  Interestingly, her heroism on the bridge is like her father’s decisiveness.  But deciding to organize the funeral, and then making it happen – she learned that from Barry, not her parents.
Barry’s strengths are on several levels.  He knows the Fields personally; no other adult in the fight does.  Howard sees only grime and crime, although Fats (of all people!) visits there in search of authenticity and sees “the gentility of Pagford, with net curtains and ornaments on the windowsills” (p. 65).  Sukhvinder makes her way there, protected by Krystal’s extended family because she tried to save Robbie.  These teens will be able to speak about the Fields with personal knowledge in the future – but only Barry can do so now.  He is also active on a community level: he collects supporters and makes arguments.  He is creative and pro-active: he seeks out the press, gets articles written, even writes some himself, despite his discomfort writing.  Barry acted directly, with simple and personal contacts.  Specifically, he recruited Krystal for his rowing team, coached her to excel, and got recognition for her.  Above all, he acts with transparent love.  This drive in his heart is so deep and pervasive that his wife experiences it as competition.  Barry does love Mary, but spends most of their anniversary working for Krystal.
Still, the novel is not prescriptive, explaining what an activist can and should do.  It’s descriptive, exploring the vacancy.  Who can fill Barry’s shoes? 
That penultimate question jumps outside the context of the novel.  Can you fill his shoes?

2 comments:

  1. "For a while, it seemed that Maryland might vote against hospitality...against welcoming strangers."

    John, I think maybe I can help you out here a little on the Dream Act dilemma. I don't know the specifics, for sure, but I will venture that perhaps *good* Catholics who were on "the other side" on the Dream Act were not, in fact, totally depraved. Possible, isn't it?

    Four possibilities that spring to mind:

    (1) JUSTICE. Instead of offering subsidies to immigrants, they thought it better to benefit other worthy recipients. For instance, young black (and white) males (from underperforming high schools with low levels of post-secondary education and employment) might have a better claim in justice to a state subsidy. There are only so many enrollment slots to be filled, right? Why dash the hopes of the kids at Paul Laurence Dunbar High who didn't make the cut?

    (2) CATHOLIC TARGETED INTERVENTION: mass emigration imposes many painful problems on Mexico: demographic imbalances as the young, able people are absorbed into El Norte, while the old and sick left in Mexico lack the joy and support that comes from young family presence; the weakening of marriage; the break-up of parishes and Catholic institutions; the dissolving of Catholic Mexican culture as their youth are lost to the intensely anti-life milieu of the American secular universities. Rather than fracturing families and luring them here with persuasive rewards/incentives for their kids, (and then setting them up so the secular universities can put the finishing touches on their spiritual formation), maybe it would be preferable to fund better educational, cultural, and ecclesial development IN MEXICO.

    This would be a Catholic project rather than a State of Maryland program; but I assure you that Catholic and charitable giving varies inversely with tax burden. Lower the taxes and we would be better able to fund Catholic justice visions. "Viva Cristo Rey" hasn't much future at the University of Maryland.

    (3) HOSPITALITY. Maybe *good* Catholic critics of the Dream Act have their own commitments to hospitality -- they support religious liberty, small government, big families, entrepreneurship/job creation, evangelization, crisis pregnancy centers, NFP, music ministries, homeless shelters, adoption, medical missions, parish-to-parish and person-to-person charitable giving, and support these things *in preference to* subsidies via the State University system.

    (4) STEWARDSHIP of limited resources. Maybe they want to take steps toward restoring a sound, secure, SUSTAINABLE basis for meeting BASIC human needs, by cutting expenditures, eliminating budget deficits, and paying off debts. Laying huge debts on the shoulders of the next generation while skidding towards bankruptcy-- as we're doing now --- is not inter-generational justice. And as St. Vincent de Paul said, "Justice is the arithmetic of charity."

    And that's just off the top of my head.

    I'm just sayin'...

    Your old friend, disciple, and co-conspirator,

    Julianne

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. Juli, how did I miss your letter? Thanks for the thoughts.
      You wrote: perhaps *good* Catholics on "the other side" on the Dream Act were not totally depraved
      Juli, I know that the right answer to your comment is “of course there are good Catholics on the other side.” But to be honest, I have to pause to ask what you mean by “a good Catholic.” Were they good people? Sure. Good Catholics? Not so sure. If you act and speak and vote for years contrary to Scripture, Church teaching, papal teaching, USCCB teaching, and the teaching of the local bishops, are you a “good Catholic”? I am not judging anyone’s heart. In fact, I know full well that most of the people who were opposed to the Dream Act were ignorant of the teaching from Scripture & tradition & papal teaching & the USCCB & the local bishops. Does being a “good Catholic” mean having a good heart, or does it also include some degree of measurable external obedience and solidarity?

      You wrote: (1) Why dash the hopes of the kids at Paul Laurence Dunbar High who didn't make the cut?
      The Maryland Dream Act was drawn tightly. One provision: admissions to Maryland colleges under the Dream Act would not use slots for other Maryland students; they would, instead, take slots designated for out-of-state students.
      You wrote: (2) maybe it would be preferable to fund better educational, cultural, and ecclesial development IN MEXICO.

      The bishops globally and in the United States assert that migration is an inalienable right. But like you, they put it in context: those who are considering migration probably have rights in their original homeland that should be protected – which, if protected effectively, might obviate the need to emigrate. However, the best judge of whether life is better for an individual in Mexico or USA is that individual.
      Latino immigrants put themselves in a situation where they face problems that we would certainly call persecution – if they hadn’t chosen it deliberately. What was so bad at home that they chose persecution as a step up? The fact that there are factory jobs in Mexico City may not impress a farmer Baja California. He should make the decision, not social engineers.
      You wrote: (3) Maybe *good* Catholic critics of the Dream Act have their own commitments to hospitality
      The demand of Scripture that we welcome immigrants can be answered in a million ways, and the Maryland Dream Act is not the only way, nor the best way. However, it is a way. Channeling your help through the state is the weakest possible response to the demands of Scripture, but it’s a step. Franz Jagerstatter did better. But the people who oppose state action and then fail to act themselves have a damn problem.
      The practical decision to be made about education “subsidies” seemed simple to me. First: there are tens of thousands of immigrants in Maryland who are going to be here permanently, barring an unforeseen upheaval. Should they be educated, or not?
      Second, if we are investing in some of our residents, what is the rationale for educating some but not others? To say that we don’t want to help people who are here “illegally” begs the question, since we are writing laws. The assertion that they are “illegals” is not an objective reality; it’s a decision by law-makers – who are, at the moment, ourselves.

      You wrote: (4) STEWARDSHIP - "Justice is the arithmetic of charity."
      I’m in favor of responsible stewardship; the land is God’s, not ours. The right to migrate does not obliterate the need for border controls, but does require that border controls have a rational basis. What’s the basis for our decision that our population density should max out at 2/3 the world average? We are not mostly desert, mountains, ice. We have vast wealth. What case exists for our immigration policy that does include implicitly a case for radical depopulation globally?

      I have missed you. I am conscious that the place where I sit and type was once your room, a corner where you radiated prayer and insight and warmth.

      John

      Delete